UNSTEADY BALANCE

Connecticut voters seem to favor an odd balance of power that has existed in state government for several years dating back to ex-governor John Rowland. That "balance" consists of a Republican governor vs. a Democrat-controlled legislature. In theory this scenario forces bipartisan cooperation because the Democrats, when united, can push through whatever they want in the legislature, but Republican Gov. Jodi Rell has the power to veto it. Even though the Democrats hold a veto-proof majority in the House and Senate there's no guarantee they can muster the votes to enforce it.

This year's state budget battle, and most recently the struggle to craft a new state bonding package, have illustrated the "stress points" in the balance of power. Increasingly there are signs of distrust between the two opposing forces.

On the bonding issue, Democrats claimed they had received "signals" from the Rell camp that the bonding package they crafted and put up for a vote in the House and Senate would be acceptable to the governor. Democratic leaders said they were surprised when Rell ultimately announced she'd veto the bill. Rell told reporters Democrats padded the bonding package with numerous projects they knew had no chance for ultimate approval. Since the governor sets the State Bond Commission agenda, if certain pet projects failed to be listed month after month, Democratic lawmakers could tell their disappointed constituents: "We approved them—Gov. Rell said no, so complain to her."

The lack of trust also appeared in negotiations. Trying to reach an accord on bonding, Rell invited top Democratic and Republican leaders to the Governor's Mansion for talks. Senate Democratic leaders Donald Williams and Martin Looney showed up. So did House Republican leader Lawrence Cafero and Senate GOP leader John McKinney. Democratic House Speaker James Amann and his Majority Leader Chris Donovan boycotted the session.

Explaining the no-show, Amann said he didn't think Cafero and McKinney played fair in previous negotiations. The implication? Amann did not trust the GOP leaders. Going further, Amann declared that the power at the State Capitol lies with Democratic legislative leaders and the Republican governor, and as far as the Speaker is concerned, those are the only "players" that should be at the bargaining table.

The "trust" factor manifested itself this year in other ways. Democrats often accuse Rell of trying to upstage them, using political "intelligence reports" to sniff out Democratic initiatives, then holding a press conference or issuing a press release hours or days before the Democrats planned to announce something similar. In turn, Rell has accused Democrats of running bills through the legislature they know she won't accept in an effort to embarrass her or to make points with Democrat-leaning interest groups.

There is nothing unusual about this kind of maneuvering. It is part of the give-and-take in the democratic process and our two-party system. However, when politically-motivated stratagems start breaking down the basic trust among elected leaders, that's a sign of trouble.

At the State Capitol, as in other political venues, trust is a precious commodity. Whatever Democrats and Republicans say about each other in press releases and political rallies, there usually is an underlying respect that insures that the rhetoric doesn't rule. If the "trust factor" is eroded, state government will suffer.

Posted 10/08/07

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