Gov. Jodi Rell announces her property tax relief plan. State budget chief Robert Genuario stands by.                                           Photograph by Steve Kotchko

Welcome to the new web version of the "Connecticut Report". Topics here may be similar to our radio program of the same name heard around the state, but the content and length will be different, and we'll be coming at you at least twice a week. We'll try to offer insight and analysis on key issues in state government and politics.
I have worked as news director and State Capitol bureau chief for the Connecticut Radio Network since 1974. Let's just say I've seen my share of governors and experienced all the weeping and gnashing of teeth that goes with more than 30 legislative sessions (not to mention added special sessions). All that being said, let's get to our first installment.

A few days ago, Republican Gov. Jodi Rell dropped another political bombshell on Democrats who control the General Assembly. Rell proposes that the state order all cities and towns cap local property taxes. Under her plan, no town would be allowed to hike the property tax rate more than 3% in any year, except in emergencies.
The governor says her concept has two goals: 1.) Respond to public anger over rising property taxes that she fears could lead to a "revolt." 2.) Tie fiscal accountability to the massive infusion of new state education aid she proposes for the next two-year budget cycle. You'll recall Rell wants to hike the state income tax across the board to raise revenues for the education windfall.

Democratic reaction to Rell's property tax gambit was lukewarm at best. State Senate Majority Leader Martin Looney (D-New Haven) said he is "open" to discussing controls on property tax hikes, but House Speaker James Amann (D-Milford) calls Rell's plan dead on arrival, claiming it would "create chaos" in every city and town.

So why did the governor do this--and why now half way through the legislative session?

If you want to be cynical, chalk it up to what might be called "the whammy effect". Rell and her strategists, recognizing the Democrats mighty majority in the legislature, need to check that power whatever way they can to keep the governor relevant. So Rell unveils dramatic proposals on issues Democrats hold dear such as income tax increases to raise revenue and property tax reform.

The governor called for an income tax hike to boost the state's share of education funding and now she wants a property tax cap to provide "real relief".

It's as if Rell symbolically thwacked Democrats over the head with a frying pan--twice in the last 8 weeks--by offering ideas not usually associated with the stereotypical Republican governor. By making Democrats see stars with the dual "thwack", perhaps Rell figures she's keeping their power in check.

Democrats are clearing their heads and offering their own alternatives on school funding accountability and taxes. The governor knows she will have to negotiate with them on virtually every other issue of importance because of their sheer numbers--a 107 to 44 face-off in the House and a 24 to 12 margin in the Senate.

Yet Rell's bold statements on education aid and property tax reform must be addressed by Democrats. Politically they can't afford to toss to the curb issues they've championed for years.

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